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研究成果: 屏東客家婚俗變遷之研究-以六堆中區為例(1941-2001)=Changes of Hakka wedding ceremonies in Pingdong - A case study of the central area of "Liu Dui"

  • 作者:劉薇玲(Wei-ling Liu)(研究生)
  • 其他作者:管志明(指導教授)
  • 語文:中文
  • 出版者:臺南師範學院 
  • 系所名稱:鄉土文化研究所
  • 學位類別:碩士
  • 出版日期:2003
  • 畢業學年度:91
  • 頁數:171
    • 主題:風俗-婚嫁風俗
    • 關鍵詞:六堆、客家、婚俗、Liu Dui、Hakka、wedding ceremonies
    • 國家:臺灣
    • 城市:屏東縣

      摘要:

      本文以六堆中區為研究區域,即前堆(長治、麟洛)、中堆(竹田)、後堆(內埔)及先鋒堆(萬巒),並以雪球取樣的方式,從這五鄉中選取民國30年至90年間結婚的客籍夫妻作為研究對象。依據調查結果,將傳統婚俗的普遍現象整理出一個模式,再將婚俗型態相近者劃分為同一時期,同時,配合其社經背景將整個婚俗變遷的過程分為四個時期,全文以時間為縱軸;以婚俗儀式及器物作橫向探討,在傳統婚俗模式的基礎上,進行四個時期的比較,目的在觀察該區婚俗變遷之脈絡,並分析其內在文化意涵。
      客家傳統婚俗分為五個流程,即議婚、過定、送日子、親迎至轉門。依據調查,第一時期(民國30-45年)因政治、經濟及社會處於不穩定狀態,婚俗儀節有簡化的現象,但其思想內涵仍十分傳統而守舊。第二時期(民國45-60年)因經濟較前期穩定,婚俗儀式及贈禮方面由簡入繁,婚俗仍呈保守型態。第三時期(民國60-75年),台灣經濟起飛,社會結構改變,及受西方文化影響,使此期的婚俗產生大幅改變:婚姻自主權提高、部分儀程出現簡化或合併的現象等,整個婚俗呈現新舊融合的特色。第四時期(民國75-90年)因政治、社會邁入自由、民主、開放及快速變遷的階段,婚禮追求簡單快速,因此只剩過定與結婚二部分,同時,年輕一代大多已不重視婚俗文化的內在意涵。
      傳統婚俗文化的內在意涵多和生男、圓滿、長壽、富貴、功名等民間願望有關,並透過儀式行為及器物的類化作用,來傳達對婚姻幸福的追求。綜觀屏東客家婚俗從民國30年至90年間的變遷,多和政治、經濟、社會、不同文化融合及個人價值觀等因素有關。整個變遷包含主婚權下移、配偶的選擇由被動趨於主動、婚姻的目的改變、媒妁制度沒落、婚俗儀節由繁而簡,及其內在意涵逐漸消失等。今日的客家婚俗變遷,可說在傳統禮俗的基礎上,已發展出另一個適應當代的婚俗模式,年輕一代將因上一代的凋零,逐漸失去學習與諮詢的對象,因此,今後如何使年輕一代瞭解客家傳統婚俗文化的深厚意涵,將是值得努力的重要課題。
      This article selected the central area of Liu Du as its research field, including Chung Du,Hou Du and Chien Du, and it Sampled fifty Hakka couples to interview by implementing a Snowball Sampling method during the period from 1941 to the present. Through the results of surveys, this article modeled a generalized phenomenon of a conventional wedding ceremony corresponding to socioeconomic background, and divided the period into four sub-periods. This article took time as the ordinate axis and investigated the wedding ceremony and instruments across history. Based on the conventional wedding model, we tried to observe the veins of change and analysis the cultural significance.
      A Hakka conventional wedding included five processes which were proposal, betrothal, scheduling, escort and receive, and the first visit to the bride''s parent''s home. According to the surveys, the wedding ceremony during the first sub-period (1941~1956) is simple but traditional because of political, economic and social instability. The second sub-period (1956~1971) is excessive but still conservative because of the stability of the economy. The third sub-period (1971~1986) changes dramatically because of the development of the economy, change of social structure, and influence from western culture. It happens that many more young people own the autonomy transition from the old to the new. The fourth sub-period tends to be simple and fast because of the democratization of politics and the liberation of society. In this sub-period, only betrothal and marriage remain. Most young people pay little attention to the cultural significance of weddings.
      The significances are always closely related to expections of childbirth, satisfaction, longevity, wealth and high position, and glory, whilst they forward a message of persuit of happiness and well-being by using analogy of rites and instruments. Observing the change of Pingdong Hakka wedding ceremony from 1941till 2001, we find that it is related to politics, economy, society, culture, personal thoughts, etc. The whole changes included dominance of marriage is descending, the choice of spouse tends to taking the initiative, the purposes of marriages change, the institution of mathmakers decline, wedding ceremonies are simplified and those significance disappear gradually. Today, Hakka ceremonies have developed other models adapt to the present age, based on conventional ceremonies.It''s concerned that the death of the older generations and disappearance of cultural significance would force Hakka wedding culture to collapse. Therefore, It is an important issue in the future to let the younger generation understand the cultural significance of Hakka traditional wedding ceremonies.

      目錄:請點選以下目次顯示內容

      中文摘要⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ Ⅰ
      英文摘要 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ Ⅱ
      (謝辭) ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ Ⅲ
      目次 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ Ⅳ
      表次⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ ⋯⋯ Ⅴ
      圖次 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ Ⅵ
      第一章緒論⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 1
      第一節研究動機與研究目的⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 1
      第二節研究區域的選取⋯⋯⋯⋯ ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 4
      第三節研究對象與研究方法⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 13
      第四節文獻探討⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 20
      第二章屏東客家傳統婚俗及社經背景分析⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 26
      第一節屏東客家傳統婚俗⋯⋯ ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 26
      第二節客家婚俗用語釋義⋯⋯ ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 43
      第三節社會經濟背景分析⋯⋯⋯⋯ ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 61
      第三章各時期婚俗儀節異同之比較 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 68
      第一節議婚 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 68
      第二節過定 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 73
      第三節送日子 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 83
      第四節親迎 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 85
      第五節轉門 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 102
      第四章婚俗儀式及器物之文化意涵探討 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 104
      第一節婚俗儀式的由來與演變 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 104
      第二節婚俗儀式的文化意涵 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 110
      第三節婚俗儀式的功用與意象 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 120
      第四節婚俗器物的象徵意涵 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 124
      第五節婚俗禮物交換的功能與意義 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 136
      第五章結論 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 140
      參考文獻 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 145
      附錄一敬祖拜神之禮品內容 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 151
      附錄二嫁娶日課表 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 153
      附錄三口述資料-客家用語與國語釋義之重要語辭對照表⋯⋯⋯⋯ 154
      附錄四客家婚俗用語之拼音表暨客語發音之通用拼音符號對照表155
      附錄五訪談問題摘要暨問卷表 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 158
      附錄六相關婚俗照片 ⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯ 164