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博碩士論文: 恆春地區客家二次移民之研究 : 以保力村為例

  • 作者:黃啟仁(研究生)
  • 其他作者:賴志彰(指導授權)
  • 語文:中文
  • 出版地:國立臺南大學
  • 系所名稱:台灣文化研究所
  • 學位類別:碩士
  • 出版日期:2007
  • 畢業學年度:95
  • 頁數:160
    • 主題:聚落-日治時期移民
    • 關鍵詞:二次移民、恆春地區、客家、保力、Pao-Li、Hakka、Heng-Chun、Second Immigration
    • 國家:臺灣
    • 城市:屏東縣

    摘要:

    本文以恆春地區客家二次移民為研究,而以保力村為例當作研究區域,針對客家二次移民聚落的開發,以及文化的變遷來探討。
    恆春地區地處偏僻,就地形而言,早期開拓時期與屏東平原幾乎隔絕,向以「盜賊之淵藪」著稱,清廷嚴禁移民。屏東平原的六堆地區客家人,在清朝時期陸續移民到恆春地區,恆春地區的清代客家移民,其聚落的建立與發展,符合人口遷移理論中「推拉理論」。客家人是農耕的族群,車城平原的保力地區,因其地理環境適合農業耕作,而且具備灌溉的水源,生存的條件與六堆地區甚至於原鄉相似,因此選擇此地生戶定居,然複雜的族群關係相互影響,因而產生了許多文化上的變遷。
    首先了解在各時期恆春地區,客家二次移民的背景及發展,透過土地開發與水利灌溉的關係,以及複雜的族群生態作為討論,並以保力村客家移民為例,探討保力村移民的情形,以及舊地名對移民的關連性來比對。保力庄所在的土地勢力範圍,是屬於瑯嶠十八社中的麻仔社與竹社所擁有,保力先民進入車城溪以南至保力溪間的土地墾拓,開墾的初期也經常遭遇當地原住民的抗拒,曾與其有激烈的爭鬥,但之後雙方約和並互結姻親,開墾才得以順利。
    保力聚落的發展大約有二百多年,從清領時期、日治時期到國民政府來台後各階段的發展,尤其日治後在地政、戶政、警政等各方面,都能有系統的建立,在研究上有諸多的參考價值,從族群關係、水圳籌建、農業發展、土地關係、牡丹社事件、聯莊自保、學校教化,到後期土地被政府徵收作為國防用地,以及客家意識的甦醒,來探討各時期的聚落發展與變遷。
    保力聚落因受地理環境關係的影響,發展上仍屬封閉型農村社會型態。但是到了日治時期,褒忠路的開通讓保力村村民,生活圈與經濟活動,逐漸轉移到車城甚至到恆春,其中包含有郵政、商品的採購、警政關係、學生的就學、當然族群關係的擴展,以及婚姻的交流,促使保力村在語言與文化上的福佬化。
    保力聚落是客家人移居恆春地區的第一站,也是恆春半島上唯一全村都是客家人的一個村落,客家聚落的社會組織有別於其他族群,其凝聚的力量較強。臺灣社會凝聚方式,其理想型的發展過程中,可以透過血緣關係、地緣關係、功能關係三項,是社會整合的重要原則。若以這些原則來探討保力村「二次移民」社會的社會組織。發現由於保力村的客家人移民歷史久遠,世代發展綿延,與六堆原鄉的關係密切,因此有血緣性組織,如祭祀公業的設立;以及地域性強、統整力較高的地緣性組織,例如村廟-三山國王廟的探討,以及其他區域性的廟宇;另外,從聚落中各姓氏家族的發展,與地方頭人對聚落的關係,和各姓氏家族婚姻的連結,可以探討功能性組織的關係。從墾拓時期各家族的發展、宗族組織、通婚的關係、神明的信仰,去了解移民社會的人群關係。
    客家移民社會在面臨其他族群的衝擊,文化產生變化是必然的現象;從福佬客的概念,去探討保力村客家文化的變遷,語言的福佬化是最具體可察覺,因此從語言的福佬話情形,到風俗習慣的轉變,並以當地的婚俗、葬俗、拜新丁、民俗技藝與祭祀方式來了解,最後以客家建築及空間形式的改變,對保力村客家移民社會的文化變遷作一認識。
    恆春地區在清末時期有許多客家的移民,因為族群的融合與複雜的人群關係,因而成為「福佬客」;保力移民聚落的發展,是恆春地區客家移民的縮影,如果在保力問村民:「你是客家人還是福佬人?」,大部分的村民會回答是:「客家人」;然而問到「你的母語?」,幾乎回答是:「福佬話」。保力是屬於福佬客,甚至於恆春地區的客家人都已經福佬化,福佬客的文化現象,展現出台灣多元族群融合的歷史痕跡,他們雖然隱身在台灣底層,但無論在語言使用、空間建築或宗教信仰等方面,仍然可見客家文化的殘跡。從保力村移民社會的聚落發展,及其文化變遷的脈絡,可以探究發現恆春地區,客家文化殘遺的絲絲痕跡。
    This research is based on the Hakka Second Immigration, and takes Pao-Li Village for example to explore the exploitation of the Hakka Second Immigration VillageCommunity and the changes of its culture.
    Heng-Chun Area is a far-away region. In the Ching dynasty, the authorities Forbade people to immigrate into Heng-Chun Area. And this area was notorious as ‘a gathering place of villains and thieves.’The Hakka living in Liu-Duei Area were immigrating into Heng-Chun continually in Ching Dynasty. The construction and development of the immigration village community fit in with ‘Push-and Pull theory.’
    The Hakka made their living by agriculture. Because Pao-Li in Che-cheng Plain is suitable for crop planting, just like Liu-Duei Area, the Hakka chose to live here. The complex tribes here influenced each other, so the cultural changes occurred.
    Firstly, to realize the background and development of the Hakka Second Immigration in every period in Heng-Chun Area, the relationship of land exploitation and irrigation are discussed. Then, the Pao-Li Village Immigration and how the old names of it influenced the immigration are studied. Pao-Li Village belonged to Ma-Za She and Chu She of Long-Chiao Eighteen Shes. The Pao-Li immigrants entered the area between the south of Che-Cheng Stream and Pao-Li stream to exploit land. At the beginning of exploitation, the immigrants usually had conflicts and battles with the aborigines. However, after they established matrimonial relationship with each other, the difficulties of exploitation smoothed down.
    The development of Pao-Li Village Community lasted for about two hundred years. During the Ching Dynasty, the Japan-ruled period and the time after the government governing now came to Taiwan, especially after the Japan-ruled period, the land administration, household registration and the police system were established systematically. So the relationship between the ethnic groups, the drain construction, the agriculture development, land relationship, the Mu-Dan-She Event, the self-defense between villages, the education system, the land levied by the government for national defense and the revival of Hakka consciousness are chosen to study the development and changes of the Village Community in every phase.
    Because of the environmental influence, Pao-Li Village was a closed society. When Japan governed Taiwan, the construction of Pao-Chung Road let the people in Pao-Li start to live and trade in Che-Cheng, even in Heng-Chun. The mail, shopping, police affairs, students’ education, the extending relationship between tribes and the matrimonial relationship between tribes made Pao-Li Village become Fulow in language and culture.
    Pao-Li Village is the first place for the immigration of Hakka to move to Heng-Chun Area, and it is the only village all composed by Hakka. The social organizations of Hakka are different from other communities for their stronger clanship. Through the ideal process of uniting Taiwanese society, relationship of blood, geography and function are three important rules. Based on those rules to explore “The Second Immigration” of the social organizations of Pao-Li Village, we could found that because of the history of Hakka immigration in Pao-Li Village is long and the Pao-Li Village have been propagated for lots of generations, it has a close relationship with Liu-Duei Area, therefore the blood-relationship is built such as sacrificial offering. As for the geographical relationship, such as temples, especially the San Shan Guo Wang Temples and other regional temples, are examples which will be found out. Besides, the functional relationship could be discovered by the development of different families in the community, the connection of the celebrities of the village and the community, and the matrimonial connection between different families. People’s social relationship in the immigration society can be analyzed from the development of different families in the period of reclamation, the organization of the families, the connection of the intermarriage, the belief of spirits.
    It was inevitable for the Hakka society to have culture changes when they faced the impact of other communities. From the perspective of Fulow-Hakka to inspect the changes of the culture of the Pao-Li Village, the language-Fulownization is obvious. Therefore, through the language-Fulownization, and the regional customs such as local marriages, funerals, baby-showers, folk customs, sacrifice offerings, and the shift of the Hakka constructions and spacial forms, the cultural changes of the immigration Hakka Pao-Li Village can be introduced.
    There were many Hakka immigrations in Heng-Chun Area in the end of the Ching Dynasty, they became “Fulow-Hakka” because of the fusion between the communities and complex people relationship. The development of the Pao-Li Village is the epitome of the Hakka immigration of the Heng-Chun Area. If Pao-Li villagers were asked “Are you a Hakka or a Fulow?” most of them would answer “I am a Hakka.” However, if they were asked “What’s your mother tongue?” most of them would answer “Fulow.” Pao-Li Village belongs to Fulow-Hakka, even more, most Hakka in Heng-Chun Area are Fulownized. The cultural situations of the Fulow-Hakka reveal the historical traces of Taiwan’s community fusion. Although those traces are hidden in the subtle parts of Taiwan society, the Hakka culture is still clear in the fields of language, building, and belief. The development of immigration society of Pao-Li Village, and the marks of the cultural changes, those are able to discover the remains of the Hakka culture in Heng-Chun Area.

    目錄:

    第一章、緒論
    第一節、研究動機與目的
    1-1-1研究動機 1
    1-1-2研究目的 3
    第二節、文獻的回顧
    1-2-1恆春地區客家族群移墾的文獻回顧 4
    1-2-2二次移民的文獻回顧 7
    1-2-3客家福佬化現象的文獻回顧 8
    第三節、研究流程與方法
    1-3-1研究的發展流程 11
    1-3-2研究方法 12
    第二章、清代客家移民聚落的建立與發展
    第一節、 恆春的客家移民
    2-1-1清朝統治前的客家移民 14
    2-1-2康熙、乾隆期間的客家移民 15
    2-1-3恆春設縣前的客家移民 16
    2-1-4恆春設縣後的客家移民 17
    第二節、 移墾聚落的發展
    2-2-1土地的墾拓 21
    2-2-2水利的興建 23
    2-2-3族群的關係 25
    第三節、 保力村聚落的移民墾拓
    2-3-1移民前期的保力村(康熙、乾隆年間) 28
    2-3-2移民後期的保力村(道光年以後) 30
    2-3-3保力聚落舊地名的沿革 34
    第三章、保力村落的發展與變遷
    第一節、行政區域的遞變
    3-1-1明鄭時期 36
    3-1-2清領時期 37
    3-1-3日治時期 43
    3-1-4國民政府來台後 46
    第二節、清領時期的保力庒
    3-2-1客番友好 共生共利 47
    3-2-2墾拓鑿圳 水稻維生 49
    3-2-3客家相繫 聯莊自保 51
    3-2-4注重文教 延續客家文風 52
    第三節、日治時期的保力庒
    3-3-1土地承繼關係與概況 54
    3-3-2道路開通 車城為主 58
    3-3-3水利管理 奠定農業基礎 62
    3-3-4牡丹社事件 後人受惠 64
    第四節、 國民政府來台後的保力村
    3-4-1聚落經濟 洋蔥、稻米為主 67
    3-4-2承先啟後 設立學校 71
    3-4-3特殊用地 限制發展 73
    3-4-4成立協會 保存文化 75
    3-4-5聚落變遷 生活改變 78
    第四章、保力客家移民的社會組織
    第一節、保力村各家族的發展
    4-1-1複雜姓氏 組合為村 90
    4-1-2兩大家族 主導發展 91
    4-1-3再次遷移 分散各地 92
    4-1-4地方頭人 掌握資源 93
    第二節、保力村的婚姻關係
    4-2-1村內通婚 情形普遍 95
    4-2-2變相婚姻 仍有所見 98
    第三節、客家的宗族組織
    4-3-1張萬三祭祀公業 101
    4-3-2張尚發祭祀公業 102
    4-3-3楊氏宗祠與祭祀公業 103
    4-3-4新安堂古莊鼎公會 104
    第五節、 保力村的宗教信仰
    4-4-1保安宮-三山國王廟 105
    4-4-2土地伯公 109
    4-4-3有應公 110
    4-4-4、廣濟宮-廣澤尊王 111
    第五章、客家移民社會的文化現象
    第一節、語言的福佬化
    5-1-1客家語的消失 114
    5-1-2保力方言的特色 116
    第二節、風俗習慣的遞變
    5-2-1、婚俗的遞變 118
    5-2-2、葬俗 120
    5-2-3、拜新丁 121
    5-2-4、民俗技藝 123
    5-2-5、祭祀方式 125
    第三節、客家建築與空間形式的改變
    5-3-1、特有的建築風貌 126
    5-3-2、祖堂的改變 127
    5-3-3、防禦性的空間設計 129
    第六章、結論 133
    參考書目 138
    附錄 143